Comentário: Hoje, ninguém está interessado em analisar os problemas em causa, apenas em aumentar com a mais alta presunção moral, o ciclo de violència, ao ponto em que, o impensável, o fim das fronteiras e da soberania estão sob o assalto, a propósito do combate ao terrorismo, ao qual, dizem, nada justifica, se bem que as mortes provocadas no seu combate, em tudo está justificado à partida. Estes são os mesmos que com muita facilidade se esquecem que a Independència Americana foi uma revolta separatista do bom Império Britânico. Terroristas?
Assim também começou a Grande Guerra, com a declaração de guerra da Áustria à Sérvia, pelo alegado apoio ao assassinato terrorista do Príncipe herdeiro. As alianças e o militarismo fizeram o resto, ficando os "aliados" do lado do Estado terrorista da Sérvia, pela qual impuseram uma paz podre qúe fomentou o comunismo , fascismo e a Segunda Grande Guerra. Hoje, estamos no mesmo caminho. Até a França é já vista quase como inimigo (não sei bem de quem mas é esse o tempo em que vivemos), enquanto se aceita como normal que Estados e regimes sejam combatidos, aumentando exponencialmente o perigo da tão desejada, por tantos, guerra de civilizações. Um absurdo fomentado por ideias absurdas. Do tipo que distorce todos os velhos princípios, os da "Guerra Justa", os da legítima defesa, os da contenção dos conflitos locais pela neutralidade, os do bom senso. Tudo isso está submerso num militarismo crescente.
Vamos ao caso da Irlanda:
"One of the great swindles behind the idea of "collective security against aggression," as spread by the "internationalist" interventionists of the 1920s and ever since, is that this requires us to regard as sacred all of the national boundaries which have been often imposed by aggression in the first place. Such a concept requires us to put our stamp of approval upon the countries and territories created by previous imperial aggression.
Let us now apply our analysis to the problem of Northern Ireland. The Northern Irish rulers, the Protestants, insist on their present borders and institutions; the Southern Irish, or Catholics, demand a unitary state in Ireland. Of the two, the Southern Irish have the better case, for all of the Protestants were "planted" centuries ago into Ireland by English imperialism, at the expense of murdering the Catholic Irish and robbing their lands. But unless documentation exists to enable restoration of the land and property to the heirs of the victims – and it is highly dubious that such exists – the proper libertarian solution has been advanced by neither side and, as far as we can tell, by no one in the public press. For the present partition line does not, as most people believe, divide the Catholic South from the Protestant North. The partition, as imposed by Britain after World War I and accepted by the craven Irish rebel leadership, arbitrarily handed a great deal of Catholic territory to the North. Specifically, over half of the territory of Northern Ireland has a majority of Catholics and should revert immediately to the South: this includes Western Derry (including Derry City), all of Tyrone and Fermanagh, southern Armagh and southern Down. Essentially, this would leave as Northern Ireland only the city of Belfast and the rural areas directly to the north.
While this solution would leave the Catholics of Belfast oppressed by outrageous Protestant discrimination and exploitation, at least the problem of the substantial Catholic minority in Northern Ireland – the majority in the areas enumerated above – would be solved, and the whole question of Northern Ireland would be reduced to tolerable dimensions. In this way, the libertarian solution – of applying national self-determination and removing imperial oppression – would at the same time bring about justice and solve the immediate utilitarian question."
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